I. Introduction

In 2002, the international community created the International Criminal Court (ICC), the world's first permanent court dedicated to prosecuting genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Founded by the Rome Statute, the ICC was designed to be a pivotal outlet for those seeking justice: it steps in only when a state is genuinely unable or unwilling to prosecute its own. This principle, known as complementarity, was meant to make the Court a last resort rather than a rival to national legal systems.1

II. U.S. Non-Membership and Active Resistance

The United States helped draft the Rome Statute but has never ratified it. Beyond non-membership, the U.S. negotiated over a hundred bilateral immunity agreements under which partner countries commit not to surrender American nationals to the ICC.2 When the Court began examining alleged war crimes involving U.S. agents in Afghanistan, the Trump administration imposed executive sanctions on ICC investigators, including the chief prosecutor, treating a court proceeding as a hostile act.3 Taken together, these moves reveal a consistent behavior: the United States does not simply decline jurisdiction — it works to ensure that jurisdiction never meaningfully applies to American actors at all.

III. Sovereignty vs. Accountability

Nicole Jones, writing in the Wisconsin International Law Journal, argues this posture reflects not a firm opposition to international justice but a strategic effort to secure immunity for American actors while preserving U.S. influence over global institutions.4 The ICC can, in theory, investigate crimes committed on member-state territory regardless of the perpetrator's nationality, so U.S. non-membership does not automatically shield American personnel.5 It does, however, mean the U.S. is under no obligation to cooperate or surrender suspects. The result is a jurisdictional standoff: the Court can investigate, but it does not have to comply.

IV. Power Politics and the Limits of Impartiality

Political scientist Alyssa K. Prorok and co-authors, writing in International Studies Quarterly, show that this dynamic reflects a broader structural problem. Despite the ICC being founded as a neutral institution, the cases it pursues are shaped by the geopolitical calculations of powerful states.6 Countries with the leverage to block investigations effectively determine which situations the Court addresses. American obstruction, then, is not abnormal but an illustration of how major powers systematically shape the limits of international law in their own favor.

The damage extends beyond any single prosecution. When the world's most powerful democracy treats international accountability as optional, it signals to every other state that powerful actors can opt out. That signal erodes the norm of universal accountability that the ICC depends on for its legitimacy.

V. A Path Forward

The Open Society Justice Initiative's 2022 report argues that states committed to the ICC can compensate for major power resistance through collective diplomatic action.7 Every time a coalition of states cooperates with ICC proceedings, issues public support for an investigation, or uses multilateral bodies to reinforce the Court's authority, it strengthens the norm that international accountability is a real expectation. Additionally, due to the ICC's reliance on other national powers, it is important to recognize that the support of the United States would help the court gain credibility.

VI. Conclusion

The United States' relationship with the ICC leaves space for a larger question: can international law hold when the most powerful states refuse to comply? The ICC has survived American resistance and direct sanctions without collapsing. But without meaningful engagement from major powers, global justice remains structurally dependent on political will that powerful individuals can exercise at any moment. That is when the court becomes less focused on justice, and more an organization reliant on permission.

Citations

Footnotes

  1. Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court art. 17, July 17, 1998, 2187 U.N.T.S. 90 (entered into force July 1, 2002).

  2. Nicole Jones, Sanctioning the ICC: Is This the Right Move for the United States?, 39 Wis. Int'l L.J. 175, 185–92 (2022).

  3. Diane E. Rennack & Matthew C. Weed, International Criminal Court: U.S. Sanctions in Response to Investigation of War Crimes in Afghanistan, Cong. Rsch. Serv., Insight No. IN11428 (June 19, 2020).

  4. Jones, supra note 2, at 180–82.

  5. Nathan M. Hart, Can the International Criminal Court Investigate U.S. Personnel?, Cong. Rsch. Serv., Insight No. LSB10505 (June 30, 2020).

  6. Alyssa K. Prorok, Benjamin J. Appel & Shahryar Minhas, Understanding the Determinants of ICC Involvement: Legal Mandate and Power Politics, 68 Int'l Stud. Q. sqae018, at 3–7 (2024).

  7. Open Soc'y Just. Initiative, From Spectators to Champions: How Supportive States Can Promote Cooperation with the International Criminal Court Through Multilateral Bodies 8–14 (Feb. 2022).